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There is a pronounced liberal eagerness to embrace noble-sounding rhetoric upon first hearing. It arises from fine qualities, including idealism and a fundamental belief in human goodness.
This impulse is beautiful. And it can sometimes lead people astray. Consider the United States of Care, a new organization that has been warmly received by some progressives. Slavitt is a former Goldman Sachs investment banker and McKinsey consultant. The most prominent Republican face in the organization is former senator Bill Frist, a physician who became wealthy as an HMO executive.
The group also includes health insurance executives and former health officials from both parties. The group still might be worthy of support, if it's well designed and has the public's best bitcoin plummets in highly volatile trading kopitiam bottle at heart. And the United States of Care agenda certainly sounds good, which is why some liberal luminaries in Hollywood and in politics promptly gave it their social-media seal of approval.
Unfortunately, many unanswered questions bitcoin plummets in highly volatile trading kopitiam bottle, and what we have seen so far is worrisome. The group insists that it is steering clear of specific policy proposals so that it can build bipartisan consensus based on three core principles. A careful parsing of those principles raises some serious concerns.
So-called catastrophic insurance plans would arguably fit this criterion, and they are disastrous for working families. Even Donald Trump's health insurance proposalflimsy as it was, could conceivably fit the bill.
The Democratic proposal incorporated conservative principles, some of which were first articulated at the Heritage Foundation as a countermeasure to the Clintons' health reform proposal. These ideas were fundamentally flawed. As we wrote inthe individual mandate was doomed to be politically unpopular, while the complexities of medical care overwhelmed free-market competition in a maelstrom of technical issues, contradictory incentives, and the self-interest of medical providers and intermediaries.
Despite its use of conservative ideas, and even though it was modeled on a state program implemented by GOP nominee Mitt Romney, the ACA failed to get a single Republican vote in the Senate. Can we really transcend politics, on healthcare or any other critical issue? For that matter, should we? Any group that claims it can rise above politics is trying to exempt its own opinions from open debate. Is it possible, as some commenters have suggested, that the group has another goal in mind?
A generally favorable USA Today article, for example, says bitcoin plummets in highly volatile trading kopitiam bottle Slavitt approvingly posted a rather snarky Twitter thread on that subject this week, written by a fellow Obama alum, which began with this comment: There's an American health and financial crisis, and Medicare for All could be part of the solution.
Having attempted to position herself as a supporter, thread author Aisling McDonough then attacks Medicare for All and its backers at length, using the dismissive and condescending tone that has become all too familiar to single-payer advocates.
It is a deeply ideological position, and should be debated as such. It also stands in direct opposition to Medicare For All, which, like public insurance programs in other developed nations, would be available to everyone.
Last year, Slavitt and Frist wrote a joint op-ed for the Washington Post. They asked us to carry back a message to Washington: Put partisanship aside and end federal uncertainty about support for the ACA; otherwise, they will end up setting premiums higher than necessary or withdrawing from markets across the country.
They included a call to bring down premiums; not by reducing health care costs or profit-taking, but by shifting part of private-sector premium costs including profit margins from individual enrollees to the government, and therefore to the public as a whole. This benefit is heavily skewed toward high earners, since most Americans are struggling with stagnant wages.
While the venture met with considerable liberal approval, the United States of Care was also greeted with warranted skepticism in some circles. Clarity is certainly needed. Here are some questions Slavitt and his team should be prepared to answer in full. How can this group take an unbiased approach to health policy, since so many of its members seem to have financial conflicts of interest?
There is significant overlap in membership between this group and the Bipartisan Policy Center. You have denied published reports that your group wants to block single-payer. Most Americans support it, according to at least one poll. Why doesn't your group include a single-payer advocate? How can a consensus be reached without including this point of view? How will your means-testing process work? Why are you opposed to a public program along the lines of Social Security and Medicare?
Why aren't more key participants in healthcare, such as nurses, represented in the group? Without good answers to these questions, it will bitcoin plummets in highly volatile trading kopitiam bottle hard to avoid the conclusion that this group exists primarily to blunt calls for a more progressive approach to health care.
We've been down this road before, especially on Social Security, where a long list of billionaire-funded groups, using some of the same players, has used similar rhetoric to undercut a popular and successful program. Experience tells us that these don't work, either as politics or as policy. We don't need magical fresh thinking. We need to take policies that have worked elsewhere and apply them to our entire health system.
Liberals should withhold their trust from anybody who promises political miracles without answering tough bitcoin plummets in highly volatile trading kopitiam bottle. Anyone who says otherwise is playing a political game. Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.
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